Nintendo Video Game

Shira Chess A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY © 2009 By Shira Chess ABLE OF ONTENTS List of Tables …………………………………………………………………. ………………………………………………………………… ….………………………………………………………….. ………...………………………………………………………………. ………...………………………………………………………………. Gender, Productivity, and Play ..……………………………………………… Introduction ……………………………………………………………………. 1 Constructing the Feminine Player ……………………………………………… 2 ………………………………………………………………. 5 Leisure, Play, and Games ………………………………………………… Productivity and Play ………………………………………………… Gender, Sex, Culture, and Biology ...……………………………………… Gender and Video Games ………………………………………………… Gender and Technology New Media Studies …..………………………………………………… 34 Literature Review and this Dissertation …..……………………………… 44 Data Selection ….………………………………………………………………. 45 Games Selection ………………………………………………………… Advertising Selection …………………………………………………… A 36-24-36 Cerebrum: Pragmatic Play ………………………………………. Introduction ……………………….……………………………………………. 92 …………………………………………………………… 94 ………………………...…………………………………………. 98 Brain Age ………………………………………………………………. My Word Coach ………………………………………………………… 106 Big Brain Academy ……………………………………………………… 110 Exercise and Fitness Games …………………………………………………… 112 Wii Fit …………………………………………………………………… 114 My Weight Loss Coach …………….……………………………………… 119 …………………..………………………………………… 122 Conclusion & Discussions ….………………………………………………… Introduction ……….……………………………………………………………. Women, Play, and Ideology …….……………………………………………… Future Research ...………………………………………………………………. Appendix A: Tables …..………………………………………………………… Appendix B: Figures ……..……………………………………………………… …………..…………………………………………………………. and Play Magazine ….………………… Table 2: Content Analysis of ……..……………… Table 3: Video game ads in non-video game magazines ……………………… IGURES Figure 1: Frag Dolls Brooklyn Home Page (A) ………..…….………………… Figure 2: Frag Dolls Brooklyn Home Page (B) ………………...……………… ………….………………… Dark Kingdom Advertisement ……………….…….………………… 214 Ar Tonelico Advertisement …………………...….………………… 215 Mage Knight: Apocalypse Advertisement ………….………………… 216 Advertisement ………….…………………………….……… 217 Figure 8: PSP Theatre Advertisement ………….…………………………….… 218 Final Fantasy Advertisement ………….……………………………. 219 Lord of the Rings Online Advertisement ………….………………… 219 Brain Age Screen Shot ………….…………………………….…… 220 Brain Age Game Cover ………….…………………………….…… 220 Brain Age Advertisement (A) ………….…………………………… 221 Brain Age Advertisement (B) ………….…………………………… 222 Figure 15: Alistair Archibald of My Word Coach ………….…………………... 223 Figure 16: Veronica Munroe of My Word Coach ………….……………………. 223 Figure 17: Penny of My Word Coach ………….………………………………. 223 My Word Coach Advertisement ………….…………………………. 224 Big Brain Academy Screen Shot ………….………………………... 225 Big Brain Academy Advertisement ………….……………………… 226 Balance Board ………….……………………………………. 227 Advertisement (A) ………….……………………………….. 228 Advertisement (B) ………….……………………………….. 229 My Weight Loss Coach Advertisement ………….………………… 230 Figure 25: Do Something with your Nothing Advertisement (A) ………….…… 231 Figure 26: Do Something with your Nothing Advertisement (B) ………….…… 232 Opening Story (A) ………….………………………….. 233 Opening Story (B) ………….………………………….. 234 Opening Story (C) ………….………………………….. 235 Screen Shot ………….………………………………….. 236 Cooking Mama Game Cover ………….…………………………….. 237 Cooking Mama Screen Shot ………….…………………………….. 238 Cooking Mama “Fail” Screen Shot ………….…………………… 238 Shopmania Screen Shot ………….………………………………….. 239 Figure 36: Mii Creation Screen Shot ………….………………………………... 240 Figure 37: Mii Family Screen Shot ………….………………………………… 240 Figure 38: My Wii Story Advertisement (Linda Perry) ………….…………… 241 Figure 39: My Wii Story Advertisement ( ………….………… 242 Figure 40: My Wii Story Advertisement ( ………….……… 243 Figure 41: My Wii Story Advertisem ent (Tracey Clark) ………….……………. 244 World of Warcraft Screen Shot ………….……………………….… 245 World of Warcraft Advertisement ………….……………………… 245 CKNOWLEDGEMENTS Writing a dissertation is never a single player game. I would like to thank ss. Special thanks to my committee chair, June Deery, and the rest of my dissertat mentors: Nancy Campbell, Nathan Freier, Katherine Isbister, and James Zappen. I and staff members at RPI for their encouragement and help throughout various po ints of this process: Kathy Colman, ins, Pat Marra, and Tracy Paul. I would giving me the opportunity to work at 1 Productions, where I was able to learn more about the inner-workings of the game to several of my friends at RPI for brainstorms, advice, ideas, and for reminding me to ta ke breaks: Dave Bello, Paul Booth, Amber Davisson, Eric Newsom, Elia Nelson, Casey O’Donnell, Amanda Rotondo, Debbie Rowe, Lillian Spina-Caza, Marcy Szablewicz, and Jay Zalinger. Special thanks to there for me for more year like to thank my parents, Howard and Carol Chess, for making me someone who understands the value of play and for putti WN EMOGRAPHIC I stand at a complicated space with respect to my research. At the time of this writing, I am a 36-year-old woman, and inar guably part of the demographic I am writing about. I play video games (and en joy many of them) but I also often have mixed emotions about them. My video game play is often deeply intertwined with nsion and frustration. At the same time, video games have helped me to see the world differently, and helped me to take a step back from these negative responses. coincidence and convergence. While worki pic was suggested to me by innocently decided to write about a game that was very popular at that time, Theft Auto III . My assumptions about games and gaming initially grew from that early experience: the games in the Grand Theft Auto embody more stereotypes of masculine styles of gaming. Thus, my early understanding of video game studies grew from this masculine and unbalanced space—like many others I began with the assumption that video games were made for men and boys. And, of course, many of them are. But as my research expanded, I reali veral games that I did not li ke, my first truly immersive video game experience was with the popular Massively Multiplayer Online Game City of Heroes that I had forgotten to eat, move, or use the bathroom in this time. I realized that I had been hooked. But, still, I was surprised at how many other people in my life (particularly women) did not understand this newfound intere st in video games. I began to expand But the more I thought about this comment, the more uneasy I became. Seeking another opinion, I mentioned this to a colleague. “A shopping game? Wouldn’t that be eBay?” she series had slowly started to ma ke headway. It seemed that the (being a part of the demographic that I wa phenomenon. As I spent hours researching ga mes (i.e., playing and taking copious have to justify my play research!” I felt a need to justify my play to myself and remind myself that I was being productive. This did not seem to be coincidental, and in many ways reflected the trends I was discussing in this dissert ation. In many ways, I became part of my I similarly felt conflicted with many of the games I played. Several of the games that I discuss in this dissertati on I enjoyed a good deal, while other games angered and frustrated me because of gendered stereotypes that were pervasive industries and demographics, I am not in terested in blaming any group for the phenomena I will be discussing. The patter ns of play are not the fault of the advertising industry, the video game indus try, so-called “hardcore gamers,” women, consider to be a compelling situation, rather than casting blame on any of these groups or institutions. Instead, I argue, that the phenomena I am speaking of is larger y that in this dissertation I am not implying that there is a good or bad, right or wrong kind of play. While mixing play with productivity might, to a large extent, seem counter-int might see play differently. In this dissertation, I do not seek to dismi , to look critically at femini to the potential of newer form s of women’s leisure and play that do not reify feminine stereotypes. At the same time, I feel that play is important in whatever package it comes. Until only recently, video games were of ten understood to be created by, and world. For example, games such as use themes of self-help and self -care (in both game design and advertising) to attract feminine audiences. is play that emulates real-world productivity—often in very mundane and domestic ways—and has the player re-enact these practices in the game world. Games such as provide examples of this simulated everyday domesticity. refers to games that use stereotypes of family and caregiving to specifically attract women a udiences. Video game systems such as the expectations that women’s play should cen ter on taking care of the family. Productive permission slip, constructing excuses for why and when women are permitted to engage in specific forms of play. While none of the categories of play I identify are mutu ally exclusive, they all help to draw a clearer picture of how women’s video game play has become essentializing and often HAPTER RODUCTIVITY AND Introduction essential part of human life. He writes in justice, beauty, truth, goodness, mind, play is a significant, undenia ble, and vital part of human life, then it is essential to By “essentialize” I am referring to cultural processe s or practices that use simplifying stereotypes to attempt to understand the tastes or intere sts of individuals, in this case women. rather than opening women up to new kinds of play, reify traditional stereotypes of femininity, prioritizing affected by the cultural construction of gender. This study considers how games are designed for and are formed and, in particular, s larger treatise, my research in this dissertation examines the inst pansive as Foucault’s extensive work on insanity, delinquency, or sexuality; my ultimat e goal in this dissertation is to show a complex system of thought and practice. While the topic of ‘play’ may seem to be fr madness, I argue that play, particularly play for women, is of the utmost importance. To illustrate this I show gendered divisi ons of play (and the construction of the player) in our culture. These di video game industry (where femininity is often devalued) and in the cultural construc tions of what is considered acceptable play for women. Play, in general, is ideo logically driven by masculine ideologies, a premise which is supported by both the video game industry and our culture at large. A useful way of illustrating how players are constructed as subjects is by the concept of interpellation. By “interpella succession. The existence of ideology and th e hailing or interpellation of individuals as subjects are one and the same thing” (p. automatically interpellated and thus b ecomes part of how subjects understand themselves. interpellated by (masculine and feminine themselves as specific kinds of players in conformance with their masculine and feminine identities. Within this matrix, masculinity is allowed a more free form play for the sake of play which is embedded in a larger lternatively, feminine play styl es tend to be more productive, centering on self-care, family care, and making use of all avai lable (free) time. In this and video game content to show how these themes are video game culture and industry. In many ways, this recent flood of game s aimed at feminine audiences can be seen as prescriptive technologies encouragi ng women to play in very specific ways. social standard to which the individual was first made to conform by external restraint is finally reproduced less smoothly within him, through a self-restraint which may operate even against his conscious wishes” ( p. 54). In a similar way, I posit in this red and culturally mandated. process of interpellation fo rming subjects of play. Literature Review The above problem—the construction and interpellation of gendered modes of some definitions of play and leisure studies. Next, I look at productivity and its place in understanding gaming technologies. After this, I tackle e issues from a new media studies perspective. This review baggage and implications, and it seems importa nt to strip them of some of these in are entrenched in white and middle-class values of play. At the same time, examini , and Brian Sutton-Smith (1997). The definitions that they arrive at tend to be anything but playful, and instead are often , and limitations. Callois, for instance, y, separate from everyday life, uncertain, unproductive, governed by rules, and make-belie problem with this The term “leisure class” was coined by Thorstei n Veblen (1912). According to Veblen, the leisure class is the economic ruling class, taking more part in consumption than production. game play to musical play, and from word play We must therefore imagine a ‘work-le and everyone tries to program the amount of time at his disposal according the way the life of workers as such, th eir place in the division of labor and in the social system, is ‘reflected’ in leisure activities, or at least in what they demand of leisure” (p. 226-227). necessarily grant as much freedom from the hegemonic ru of freedom in response to a “real need for leisure activities it is vital to not see them as being expressions of how people want to spend their free time, but as things influenced stitutions that are both consumer and culturally driven. and leisure: primarily how leisure activitie s are deeply problematic for adult women home—is a difficult thing to map, often because women have more responsibilities in home-spaces than men do. While many men find the home a place for relaxation and leisure separate from work, women ar e unable to have the same kinds of unconditional leisure that men have in thes at time is a key factor for women’s leisure activities. Rosemary Deem (1987) conducted a st udy showing that women did e time given the overriding concerns of maintaining households and work responsibili and type of leisure practices that women engage in: No wonder then that much of women's household leisure consists of makes his leisure more valuable, becaus e it is his leisure that enables him to refuel his energy, strengthen his am bition, and move ahead at work. By doing less at home, he can work longe obvious for women in more ma groups, and (5) that leisure may serve as account, it would seem there is no single cause or effect to the problematic winner’s triumph. It is therefore al within defined limits and without outside assistance, in a certain Agonistic play is thus associated with s Once again, perhaps, Salen and Zimmer man (2004) arrive at one of the simpler and least problematic definitions of a game. They assert that, “A game is a system in which players engage in an artifi by rules that result in a quantifiable outcome” (p. 80). Some of the that there must be one or more players, so me kind of imaginary conflict, rules, and a quantifiable outcome. In this study, I will be using the word “p lay” to refer to precise practices, such as video game play or technological pla encompassed by Salen and Zimmerman’s “free movement in a more rigid structure” uss “leisure,” I will be talking about a people (specifically women) undertake in their free time. These leisure practices might include various “games,” I will be referring to specific game objects and texts most of which have the attributes drawn out by Salen and Zimmerman’s definition of “game.” While this dissertation is primarily a bout women’s digital play and leisure practices, the underlying theme is productiv ity. On the surface, many of the games that I discuss in chapters th ted to consumers as play and leisure. Many of these games, though, ha ve underlying themes of productivity. Only recently have scholars begun to examine the role of productivity in video games. On the surface, productivity seems like it would This often becomes complicated when referring to play spaces without a quantifiable outcome or imaginary conflict, such as the online world Second Life , or exergames such as . I will discuss their status as games (or not games) in subsequent chapters. several ways. For example, modifications (mods)— software designed by players to enhance and improve game play and interfaces in massively multiplayer online games. Taylor (2006) has also to as “power gaming” or “instrumental nse gaming experiences (which only certain ays a much more important role than fun. Similarly, Sotamma (2007) talks about the productivity in Machinema, or movies productivity I will be discussing also has an influence on real-world productivity—in of the gaming world. In some ways, dictionary definitions of the word “productive” provide the Alternately, ); producing richly; fertile; efficient” (p. 1312). In combining some of the common elem dissertation I am referring to productive play the confines of the game world and leaks into games are productive (as Wirman suggests), I am especially interest games that influence real-world productivity. The productive play addressed in this . Lefebvre’s aforementioned observations spend their work time, but equally oppressed within their leisure time. This being the case, his theoretical play becomes so deeply conflated with ecifically address women or women’s leisure in his work, but, as I will show 16 of Second Wave Feminism in the 1960s and 1970s. De Beauvoir’s (1952/1989) famous book posed the point that this has “always b een a man’s world” which cast woman as permanently in the role of the “other.” This otherness, according to de Beauvoir, defines feminine existence and results in in feriority and narcissism. At the same time, a person’s sex, meaning that perhaps sex and gender are not necessarily culturally Bodies that Matter back to the moment of be there!” with the phrase, “I t’s a girl!” She explains: Consider the medical interpellation which (the recent emergence of the sonogram notwithstanding) shifts an infant from an ‘it’ to and in the naming, the girl is ‘girle d,’ brought into the domain of language nd throughout various intervals of time to reenforce or contest The naming is at once the Alternatively, the social sciences of reconciling sex and gender. In some ways similar to Butler, in their essay “Doing Gender,” Candace West and Don Zimmerman (1987) argue against gender binaries Goffman—a scholar not used in Butler’s ge nder theories. Unlike Zimmerman suggest that rather than being merely encultu accomplishment, and is non-conscious performance). In essence, they a vacuum. Ultimatel […] a routine, methodical, and recurring accomplishment. We contend undertaken by women and men whose important for transgender association, wher e a person can be seen as masculine or feminine, even if their biological status align with it. Feminism and the Biological Body, reconcile biology and feminism, suggesting th at the two are not necessarily as much at odds as previous feminist and gender sc an acceptance of biology is not necessarily the same as biological determinism (which is a common misconception for feminists, Undoubtedly, biological arguments have all too often been made in ways ons. Politically, then, feminists have tended to oppose biological arguments and to in sist on some form of social constructionism of gender, or of other do not attempt to resolve this enormous i cultural determinants are difficult, if not im said, the emphasis of my I will describe these game categories in more detail, later in this chapter. 22 It’s not just that girls seem to like today’s computer games less than boys access to technological fields as th e children grow older, and this en as technological literacy increasingly becomes a general precondition for employment. Thus, approximately 75 percent to 85 percent of the sales and revenues generated by the $10 billion game industry are derived from male consumers. And men hold the more powerful jobs in the technology- related fields, both in companies that design computer games and in all From this perspective, research on girls a nd gaming was in the best interest of game For instance, the success of the game prompted Kaveri Subhramanyam and Patricia Greenfi eld (1999) to conclude that the most purpose preferences from other kinds of media, surmising that girls’ inte rests lie in areas such as “the drama of human relationships” (p. 54), as well as the use of role-play. In their essay, to women. (p. 99) This focus on girls rather than women of Observations such as this are problema generally allow a possibility that these traits are—at least in part—culturally enacted examines themes of productivity in games aimed at women, which track back to Finally, I would be remiss if I did no t comment on studies that focus on feminine game characters and the fulfillment of female stereotypes in gaming for men. In video games, characters ar Lara Croft) or meant to be saved (such as the series’ Princess Peach). Of As we look back through the history of games, we find that […] there seems to be two ways game designers deal with female representation in games. The first way is by depicting the female as a sexual object. The female’s sexual characteristics ar e exaggerated and emphasized. […] The second way designers approach feminine female as an object to be re Ray continues by remarking that this is obviously not distinct to the video game 28 Avatars are a player’s in-game representation. 29 30 feminist factions have subsequently approached this question in various ways. Studies of masculinity is embedded in technologies helps to give men more “expertise” as ow ners of technology. According to Wajcman It is not simply a question of acquiring skills, because these skills are embedded in a culture of masculinity that is large coterminous with the culture of technology. Both at school a incompatible with femininity. Therefor e, to enter this world, to learn its language, women have to forsake their femininity (p. 19). termine ways to create more opportunities and remove stereotypes. tween women and technology is problematized by the several different stan ces taken on the issue: Liberal feminists have attempted to push women into what are traditionally understood as more masculine roles regarding gender and technol 32 Wajcman’s technofeminism, similar to cyberfeminism, allows for the relationship gender. At the same time, these games need to be understood as automation (new media is able to be automated); variability (new media can be understood in transcoding (new media can be put in new formats). Alternatively, in media: anonymity, speed, reach, and interactiv ity. In this dissertation, I do not contest any of these definitions of new media. In stead, I use a selection of topics in new media studies to illustrate the importance and impact of video games. New media studies tends to have se cs: remediation, interactivity, anonymity, na piracy, and community among them. Some of these topics are more app licable to my research on gender and video Interactivity is an important topic in new media studies, but what interactivity (2008) describe this dilemma: Interactivity is one of the most freq uently used concepts in new media hmark for differentiating ‘new’ digital media from ‘older’ analogue forms, and for this reason it is not unusual to find new media referred to as interactive media. But herein lies the problem: in spite of the almost ubiqu t always clear what makes media interactive or what is meant exactly by the term interactivity. (p. 87) As such, the “interactive” elements of new media are often up for scholarly debate. Manovich (2001) purposefully omits the term “interactive” from his definition of new media. According to Manovich, in teractivity is mythological and what we new media cannot truly be interactive when someone else and is someone else’s notion calling media “interactive” is firstly tautologi cal but also that, “[…] we are asked to follow pre-programmed objectively existing associations. […] we are asked to mistake the structure of somebody else ’s mind for our own” (p. 61). From ity in new media is made impossible as the consumer is only following a small numbe established. Web 2.0, and fan-generated content are all examples of how players can become both producers and consumers. In Where Old and New Media Collide ction. Video game modding and machinima are excellent In some senses, narrative in new me dia serves as a companion topic to interactivity. It can be argued that the mo interactivity—and vice versa. This is partic game research, where the objects of study constantly create a Video game “modding” is the process of creating and using plugins that alter the game play experience. Machinima are fan-generated movies made out of video game screen captures. traditional narrative and literar y analysis techniques to understand the story elements embedded in video games (Murray, 2004). In her essay “From Game-Story to To a ludologist, cyberdramatic perspectives can seem exceedingly strange. Ludlogists ask, why expend so much th Identity is an equally important issue in new media studies in general, and video game studies in particular. In essen ce, this is because embodiment can quickly change notions of identity through screen in terfaces: the user or player is constantly entities, morphing their sense of self through blogging, profiles, and ot her accoutrements of Web 2.0. In (2001) David Bell writes, “Marshal ling the identity-marking resources the web confers, personal homepages pres a number of devices: ty is a persona that is implied when communicating changes due to the fact that it is a visual medium with relatively low levels of truth give anonymity to the user—an oft remarked upon attribute of ma ny new media objects. At the same time, virtual identities give users or players flex ibility and a means to play with their sense of identity. In this way, the online self She explains, “Without any principle of coherence, the self spins off in all directions. Multiplicity is not viable if it means shifting among personalities that cannot comm unicate. Multiplicity is not acceptable if it means being confused to a point of immobility” (p. 258). But at the same time transitional space, the moratorium, that is discarded after reaching greater freedom. M. M. Bakhtin defined the notion of literary “polyphony” in his discussion of Dostoyevsky. He explains that polyphony in this context is, “A plurality of independent and unmerged voices and consciousnesses […]” (p. 6). Video games are often seen as a means to further play with these digital identities. In What Video Games Have to Teac (2003), James Paul Gee suggests that video games construct three different kinds of player identity: a virtual ident ity (the identity of the avatar on the screen), a real world identity (the identity of the player in real life), and what he identifies as a “projective identity.” The projective identity serves as the combination of the other two identities. invokes a double meaning as the player both nd, at the same time, the player is “seeing the virtual character as one's own project in the making, a creature whom I imbue with a certain trajectory through time defined character to be and become (within the limita 55). There is a complicated relationship 43 Literature Review and this Dissertation My literature review hopefully helped to provide some idea of the scope and een done in gender and gaming, as well as ference throughout the remainde r of this dissertation. While 45 This dissertation examines the rela 46 47 (1988) discusses how the “beauty role” is discussing more feminist implications of th e gender constructions in advertisements. For example, in advertisements aimed at women, she shows how the “voice of authority” is used to put feminine audi showing just how women are portrayed (suc h as Goffman), Barthel manages to draw made to women to sell them both products and specific images of themselves. Primarily, I examine magazine advertis question might be: why focus on magazine adve rtising? At first glance this area might with a quickly changing magazine industry (Troland, 2005) that is being overrun by other forms of me wavering nature of the magazine industry that makes it a compelling space to study new media, gender, and leisure. In his arti cle, “Seeing ahead: Underpinnings for what is next for magazine publishing” Thom as R. Troland (2005) writes, “We are a Women’s Business . Women buy magazines more than men. Much more than men. And women’s lives, roles, n eeds and expectations have changed immensely during eason for this study might be the video game examined video game advertising to essay , “The Hegemony of Play”, the Ludica Group The Ludica group is a collective of academic gender and video games researchers from several universities. men. An emerging trend, though, is th r analyzing overall content in video game magazines, they do not focus their research more in-depth semiotic analyses of these advertisements. Additionally, by only looking at video game magazines (rathe r than magazines aimed at feminine placement), and thus my methodologies differ when looking at television from when I look at magazines. media. Because of this, it was also necessary to use several methodological pping after a Postmodern Turn,” social scientist Adel difficulties and complexities of postmodern research, where singular and simplistic approaches are becoming impossible. Clarke explains of visual cultures, in particul ar, suggest a need for more image ‘reflected’ the world in which it was made in a mirrorlike more or less we tend to look at visual materials social domains for particular purposes. Visual images are then analyzed as mirroring, or realism, or authenticity is assumed, and a more than skeptical stance may be taken toward the images predicated to some degree on understa h as the video games discussed in this ltural products,” which acts as indicators of the larger me topic—video games and through a semiotic lens, than when I did so with video games. I supplement semiotic 54 also game designer) might be delibera associations, while in other instances it may be much more a matter of audience 56 The magazines I reviewed were Real Simple Magazine People Magazine Good Housekeeping Martha Stewart Living Redbook Esquire Wired Magazine Playboy , and Time Because I am specifically stud ying women’s play and video ga mes that are aimed at women, educational games or game systems that are meant solely for children were tangential to my research. 57 understanding how video games are capable of that look at ideological assumptions narrative means that alternative modes are needed to understand all of the com ponents of a video game text. While video games are not narratives in the same sense th at books, plays, film, or television are, I still examine video games primarily as texts, paying specific attention to the discrete units which imply productivity and ways that th ey attempt to be amenable to feminine audiences. Specifically I will be examining: Game interfaces Game avatars Game mechanics Game Narratives (when applicable) Extra-game materials (such as game covers and instructions) This combination of elements provides a co mprehensive picture of what is actually going on in the video game—factoring in narr ative, interactivity, game mechanics, to games but are not discussed in as much pragmatic play (play that directly impacts real worl d productive tasks), simulated productive play (play that emulates or indi socially productive play (play that uses them es of family, an in effect, promotes real world social relationships). Topically, I have organized this dissertation to illustrate 61 In Chapter Four, “Do Something with Your Nothing: Simulated Productive Play,” I introduce the idea of “simulated productive play,” a companion category to the pragmatic play discussed in Chapter Th tive Play, I argue, is h advertising campaigns and the video games themselves to illustra te this phenomenon. I highlight simulated productive play in this chapter: casual games, domestic-themed games, and consumption/shopping games. The games in appeals to feminine audiences, and often us e simulated productive play to replicate women’s everyday experiences in Finally, in Chapter Five, “Play is Love: Socially Productive Play,” I illustrate the relevance of social play in the gendered construction of video games. Once again, using a combination of analyz d video games as texts, I social play: family play w ith the Nintendo Wii and play campaigns and game design construct a kind of justification for play through family time. Next, I look at online gaming worlds, games. In online gaming worlds, what becomes most compelling is a combination of tive play, simulated productive play, and social play. Thus, I will show how multiplayer online gaming my categories of productive play—pragmatic play, simulated productive play, and are in no way exclusive. Often, there are HAPTER ARDCORE AND PRAH AMERS LAY AND ASCULINITY Introduction In April of 2008, video game industr saying, “Wii Fit is just not aimed at hardcore gamers ... It's definitely aimed at the rs of this disserta Nintendo advertising campaigns aimed at wo construction of the woman gamer, and (in many ways) have created a very specific of woman gamer. This construction of the feminine gamer often values gendered way. In this chapter my focus is on the traditional hardcore gamer. I illust rate examples of masculinity of the video game industry, showing how it creates a f Additionally, I examine some magazine advertisements aimed at the so-called hardcore gamers to illustrate masculine ex clusionary tactics. This will serve as preparation for a comparison with feminine advertisements in subsequent chapters. y of women being cast as other in technological spaces. In this history, women are often s hown as being technologically Until only recently, video games were of ten understood to be created by and games are playgrounds for the construction a nd performance of masculinity. He refers to this phenomenon as “dig masculinity, where the pressures of the external force the man back to a type of always-accessible boyhood. Videogames in the 21 as the prime mode of regression, a technonostalgia machine allowing a space away from feminism, class imperatives, familial duties, as well as national and political responsibilities. It is a space and experience where the digital boy can “die beat the game, and tryin’ to manhood (and therefore his place with . 2, author’s emphasis). Burrill delineates the video game format as inherently a non-feminine space which inescapably evokes themes of “dig ital boyhood”—meaning a technology of masculinity par excellence. Burrill uses the term “boyhood” (as opposed to manhood or masculinity), implying a state of The power elite of the game industry is a predominately white, and secondarily Asian, male-dominated corporate and creative elite that e, global publishing companies in conjunction with a handful of massive masculinity, but a larger culture that ultim ately defines video game play as almost inherently masculine. This image of video game masculinity statistics about who makes games. A recent study by the International Game about 11% of the industry is made up of women (IGDA, 2005). Although it is universally improve the gaming industry, it is still prim arily guided by a masculine workforce. In “Crunched by Passion: Wo men Game Developers and Workplace Challenges,” academic researcher Mia Consalvo (2008) wr ites that, in recent history, games with women developers have been more popular with women audiences. Consalvo explains, “Creating and maintaining a more diverse workforce, it seems, could result in games that are more gender inclusive, a Given this feedback loop, it seems unsurprising that, according to Henry Jenkins (2000), video games are characteri zed by masculine play styles, and marked explains, speaking specifically of games aimed at boys (as opposed to men), that char mastery, hierarchical stru characteristics of many video games, mi ght have specific appeal to masculine audiences. Similarly, Burrill (2008) posits th at video games presume that “the player is always already male” (p. 138) and games become “a safe space to engage in violent real-world activities and conflicts, and a th eater of war where an enactment of the terminal triumph of an anxious masculinit typical hardcore and masculine game s would include the games in the series. While these games might have a limited (primarily masculine) audience, they are also some of the games most commented upon by the media and the video game industry. This means that, of tentimes, discussions in the media about video games automatically condemn as violent, without necessarily seeing The phrase “anxious masculinity” seems particularly compelling, here, as it seems to implying that this space is potentially being threatened or invaded—and perhaps given the number of “Oprah Gamers,” this might be the case. 71 In some ways, these names can be seen to be fairly powerful indicators of the kinds of women involved in the organizations. Names such as “PMS Clan,” thus, makes some attempt to own gender stereotypes in the same way that a term like “queer” turned a derogatory term into a matter of pride. Similar to the Sports Illustrated Swimsuit Issue The Girls of Gaming does not focus on video game players, but rather, features sexual art of game characters. In many ways, the depiction of Frag Dolls and other girl gamers runs parallel to past depictions of women in technology, where women are often cast as other. In t of Romine’s remarks is that ordinarily women gamers are underestimated, but that her team of Fr trivialization. At the same time, the Frag might make towards the encompasses significantly larger territory than this. While obviously this is a large Title IX states, “No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving Federal financial assist ance” (Ware 3). As such it included all federally funded activities, but was most notorious for giving equal funding to women’s sports teams. According to Taylor (2006), power gaming is characterized by, “a focus on efficiency and instrumental orientation (particularly rational or 74 Art Style and Anime It seems useful to briefly discuss the use of anime several of the advertisements game advertisements. In proceedings from the DiGRA (2007) conference, Mia plays an undeniable role in American gaming culture. She explains that the ga ming industry has “historical and cultural influence and power extends to Japanese companies (such as Nintendo, Sega, CapCom, and Square Enix), Japanese vi sual styles (such as super-deformed characters and anime-like images), as well as an extensive list of games that have me designers around the world” (p. 736). ach these topics with critical frameworks such as ussing how game characters with both American and Anime is the colloquial term for Japanese animation. “Because Japanese women are still relatively disempowered, the overturning of the stereotype of feminine submissiveness may cr eate a particularly festive resonance. In the animated space, female characters seem to glory in manifestations of power still 31). Thus, while anime films such as (1987) might offer women with , and while the image of the Japanese is prominent in that culture, Napier illustrates how many of these images The is a young woman or girl that sexualizes herself in exchange for consumptive goods. In anime culture, the jo is a common figure—generally a girl in her teens who is highly sexualized (Napier, 2005). Thus, while perhaps transformation is esse Japanese animation culture, still-frame mag azine advertisements of these games are Video Game Magazine Advertising Williamson (1978/2002) remarks that advertisin In what follows, I provide some exampl occurs in the video game industry. While subsequent chapters use both video games and advertising to demonstrate how games had any images of women, while 57% of the advertisements in these advertisements ran several times (a I will explain the Goffman categories in detail, later in the chapter. assess), I attempted to factor all of these things into my findings. In what follows, I will give a brief description of some of my findings over the year’s worth of magazines, and then use semiotic analysis to analyze some specific advertisements portant to note here that my analysis is not of the games themselves—what interests me is not how women are depicted in the actual games, but rather how they are presented to reader is, it becomes easier to understand how women might be marginalized by the advertisements in typical video game advertising, and how this might games. As a point of comparison, this marg inalization is remarkably different from the advertisements that I will be discussing in Chapters Three, Four, and Five. Thus, by analyzing advertisements that present a baseline of the video game industry and comparing them to video game advertisements that are aimed at alternative audiences, is intended or invited, that the meaning found acceptable, that, indeed, the other is a pproved and appreciated” (p. 48). This is the case with 28% of the women depicted in the video game advertisements that were smiling or smirking in some way (see Table 2). Thus, often even the more powerful figures in these advertisements have these more mollifying facial expressions. For example, in Figure 3, the image of Tomb Raider: Anniversary shows the game’s protagonist, coy smile. Much has been written about Richard & Zaremba, 2005) in previous st udies of gender and games and this study eems particularly compelling in this image is how her slight (but unmistakable) smile balances out the potential power from wielding a gun. The image of Lara Croft is inviting smile in advertisements such as th is one. Her smile, which runs perpendicular such as Figure 4, an advertisement for the game ambivalent construction of power and femininity. Like the advertisement, the woman featured here sword and clearly being in attack mode. He the distance, and she shows dependence on the game player, ultimately controlling the avatar’s actions. Her slightly open m outh reaffirms this ambiguity. On first glance, her open mouth might be an angry ca the aversion of her eyes, it also might a ppear to be a sexual expression—almost orgasmic. The sexuality of her expression is similar to the advertisement (Figure 4) aforementioned coy smiles and off-screen emotional response. At the same time, as Goffman noted, licensed withdrawal advertisement for the game , features another example of licensed w ithdrawal. In this advertisement, the main focus of the page is a woman, hands close to her face, who might be singing, but once again also might be orgasmic. Th e combination of her withdrawal (and the audience—and specifically the game the page. The headline of and it is difficult to get a full perspective of sex and gender in the game only from the advertisement. At the same time, this a dvertisement stabilizes a moment from the game, and the reader is only able to glean the moments that are presented to them by the advertisement. While a game has narra the still advertisement has a single moment nuance might be a major part of the ga me, and while girls and women may have powerful roles in the game, the advertisement leaves an ambiguous impression regarding power and femininity. This ambigu ity reinforces overarching themes of the masculine gaming industry. Goffman also discusses how positioni ng on the page, relative size, and advertisement than the women do) all play in advertisements. According to Goffman, women are generally depicted as smaller than men, both in terms of height and width, and in ways that make their function advertisement the woman’s face is larger than the man below her, she is also in profile, and thus partially hidden. Conversely, the man below her is shown w torso) and the viewer sees him full on (not in profile). The younger girl (much like the oyly. The male character is facing front 6, an advertisement for the game . Here, the male figure is clearly seen as the main character, with a female warrior, lower, smaller and to his side. Wh ile the woman is obviously depicted as a fighter, by being smaller and slightly in fr ont of the male figure, he overshadows her in an apparently protective way. While she icularly menacing way, but upwards, hands grasping it in a phallic position. Thus, might seem to offer empowering images of women in video games, but these images are simultaneously being marginalized by how they are portrayed or the masculine figures which accompany them. the above mentioned advertisements have, thus far, had feminine characters which ha ve in some way used or displayed their hands. Goffman explains that, “Women, mo re than men, are pictured using their object or to cradle it or to caress its surface (the latter sometimes under the guise of guiding it), or to effect a ‘just barely touch’ of the kind that might be signifi Analysis of Full Advertisements These advertisements help to construct a feminine marginalization in the typical video game world. This marginal authorized to play these games. In the following, I analyze two specific advertisements that highlight this feminine marginalization. It is my contention that not only do the following advertisements he lp to marginalize potential feminine players, but they also create an image th at women and girls do not belong in this overall playscape—an image which is ul timately being conveyed to masculine players. While not all games are aimed solely at masculine audiences, the fact that the two magazines I reviewed have so many a dvertisements that essentialize or ignore femininity shows how overwhelmingly marg inalized women and girls are in the video game industry. In subsequent chap ters, I will be discussing games that are original deodorant advertisement and the advertisement for Izuna is the distinction different dungeons. Customize my weapons someone else’s name like Frank or somethi ng.” This advertisement is compelling for several reasons—first because of the way the feminine figure (finger) is marginalized from video game play both physically and trivializes feminine play, coding it as overly-romanticized otherness. These advertisements do not ju st marginalize femininity, but actively In addition to the advertisements that I countered in my survey. Both of these advertisements were strikingly similar in how femininity is treated more equally. The two advertisements are for and 10). Both of theses advertisements have headlines with numbers at the top. While ad says “Millions of Players. One game to rule them all.” Both advertisements, then, follow up their claims by showing countless examples. shows an infinite number of possible characters and shows an infinite number of players. Both of these advertisements show both male and female players/characters, a lthough in both cases slightly more male than female. In these advertisements, men and women are dressed similarly, and are almost indistinguishable until the reader ta kes a closer look at the infinite crowd These advertisements are excellent examples of less marginalizing and essentializing feminine pla y—they treat femininity as part of the play force and diversity that is necessary to the games. Bo th of these advertisements are notable for ho is authorized to play. As such, the advertisements for might show the important shift where femininity might ev traditional venues of video game advertising. In the proceedings from the , Mia Consalvo (2009) compares (feminine) casual gamers to masculine (hardcore) gamers in terms of community and industry comparing these communities. She explains, “Clearly, many players of casual games are not at all casual in how th games” and continues that 91 HAPTER EREBRUM RAGMATIC LAY Introduction In recent years, several video games have emerged that promise pragmatic productivity or self-help. These games make various claims, such as the ability to make players smarter, grow their vocabular ies, improve their vision, teach them to Zimmerman (2004) definition, which is: “A game is a system in which players by rules that result in a quantifiable outcome” finition, some of the brain games that I discuss later might be considered games. Alternatively, ot her “games” that I discuss in this chapter primarily instructional) have rules. And while both might have some kind of quantifiable outcome, (i outcomes in the real world space as opposed to a game world space. In some games, this productivity can become a blurred line and game progress can affect productivity both inside and outside of the game worl primarily focusing on games a In other ways, these products can be considered games simply by popular categorization. The use of a Nintendo gaming Platform means that these products are available in video game specialty stores, are confusion, I will be referring to all of the software in this chapter as games, even One of the primary examples of produc tivity in the video games discussed in some form of self-h that of this dissertation. What is clear, often highly gendered and helps to form and reinforce gender roles. This includes famous relationship-themed books such as Love too Much will never change. The mutability of women is a gendered signal which is at the root of self-help literature. In a similar way, the games and advertisements discussed in at women change, alter, or improve themselves in areas such as 22 productivity and self-improvement. Thus, in games and advertisements that I will be discussing shortly both the body and the mi nd are constantly game for improvement. Rock-a-by Baby: Feminism, Self-Help, and , self-help is primarily characterized by “experiential knowledge” or, “common-sense wisdom of pe ople’s problems as an alternative or supplement to professional knowledge” (p. 19) self-help literature is mimicked in the pragmatic play found in many video games. In these spaces , the player is guiding by a singular author-figure (perhaps not the game crea and experiences the player is already familiar with. In these ways, the games use self- As explained in Chapter One, Salen & Zimmerman (204) define play as “free movement in a more rigid structure” (p. 304). -help (involving body image and personal advice) seep into brain games, influenci ng both the game designs and advertising. For instance, I will illustrate how advertising equates mental beauty with In a similar vein, the second kind of se with body image and weight control—a pa rticularly hot-button issue for many women. In (1990), Sandra Lee Bartky writes of the Where the Girls Are: Growing Up Susan Douglas writes about how the mass media has sold narcissism in place of empowerment to women. She explains that excuses for narcissism and a focus on self appearance. She explains: Women’s liberation became equated w ith women’s ability to do whatever they wanted for themselves, whenev er they wanted, no matter what the expense. These ads were geared to the women who had made it in the world, or who hoped she would, and the message was Reward yourself, Thus, according to Douglas, corporations and advertisements have used women’s ending money on oneself is equal to freedom. At the same time, the ads suggest that money be sp ent narcissistically—women should use consumerism to improve themselves. The self-help and pragmatic themes of the games ultimately foster contradictory messa ges about work and play within game spaces for women. Brain games are video games that specifi cally and overtly aim to improve the player’s intelligence, knowledge, or other ce rebral function. Popular current games in this category include the two games in the Brain Age series, and in many ways genre have made similar claims a bout improving a player’s vocabulary ( or improving a player’s vision ( Flash Focus While language games, on one hand, may seem to be educational games this particular series uses themes and structure that is similar to other brain games. The games are both led by a cartoon version Kawashima, the games’ cr Unlike typical video game software, the packaging for the games has more “quiz”-like tropes than game- game has an outline of a human head, divided into fore quadrants in its center. Each tions of number quizzes on th em—despite the fact that the actual game features word quizzes as well, these are not present on the game’s cover (See Figure 12). At the bottom of the game c young or old?” The game insert features an introduction by Dr. Kawashima: Hello! I’m Dr. R Yuta Kawashima! Did you know that just like how you lose muscle mass with age, your brain function begins to decrease when you reach maturity? This happens even if you muscle loss with exercise, and use such activities to improve your body over time. But we now know that the same is true of This introduction, the game cover, and the other extra-game matter all serve a common purpose—to make appear to be less of a game, and more of a training exercise. Importantly, nothing in th e game description infers fun, leisure, or play. Instead, the game is pitching self-help and self-improvement. games for the first time, yourself, your brain may experience positive effects. But if you do things out of obligation, your brain could see negative effects. Remember to keep a positive do.” Along a similar vein, a later tip insists, “Do you find Both advertisements are composed of almost equal amounts of image and text. nding how gendered play is constructed. The title of the masculine advertisement (i n all caps) reads, “CAN YOU USE A VIDEO GAME TO REWIRE YOUR BRAIN?” whic focused message. Written in all-caps, the text is yelling at the audience. Conversely, the feminine headline uses a subtler and so fter statement (not a question): “What the Japanese have discovered about the fountain of youth.” While both headlines suggest self-help to some extent, the headline for the advertisement with the woman immediately infers beauty, self care, and health, while the masculine advertisement discusses video games, technology, and the brai phrase “video game” is never used at all in the feminine version of the advertisement. In effect, the feminine ad goes on to sugge part of the daily beauty regimen that all women should be involved in. At one point it the necessity of mental exercises to ma intaining physical beauty. The masculine advertisement, conversely, suggests that pl aying this game might help one become men signify mind. Of this dua lity, Susan Bordo writes in “For if, whatever the specific hi term, and if woman the body, then women that negativity, whatever it may be: distraction from knowledge, seduction away of will, even death” (p. 5). In a similar vein, the two comparable advertisements show a divisi on in how women and me n are expected to interpret this software. Despite being clea rly a brain game, women are encouraged to p. This kind of advertisement reinforces negative images about women, vanity, a nd physical self-help over a much nobler mental self-help pitched in the masculine advertisement. Visually, these advertisements reinforce what their text masculine domain that can only be entered into by women under the guise of beauty dvertisements are constructed. Both the masculine and feminine advertisements feature the heads of the models with light attached to them—the man’s head is lit up like it is wired with circuitry, while the woman’s head produces a haloed effect. The baldness of the man infers futurism, while the woman’s hair is tied neatly in harder light against the darker page in the masculine ad, making it appear more serious. At the same time, visually, the color and lighting contrast is somewhat similar to some of the advertisements di “hardcore” (as opposed to the casual gamer). Conversely, the softness of the feminine ad (in purple tones) the head and face, rather than the brain that is being stressed in this advertisement. helps to reinforce the messages each of the advertisements are attempting to convey: in the case of the masculine ad, that the technology is serious and will make a dramatic change to one’s mind, while in the feminine advertisement, that it will improve the mind (and body) but in a non- threatening way. While both suggest produc distinction in what kind of produc tivity is acceptable and expected. How the models are positioned in the advertisements also helps to reinforce their messages. While both models are feat e woman’s head is looking slightly downward at the DS, while the man’s head and eyes are looking up at the technology, and he’s reaching for it with his arm. The positioning of each model’s head evokes Goffman’s (1978) discussion of and Two. Goffman explains, “A classic stereotype of deference is that of lowering oneself physically in some form or other of stereotypically a mark of unashamedness, s advertisements each only feature one person, the relative positioning of each is telling with implications. In the ads, the man’s body implies the “unashamedness and superiority” suggested by Goffman, wh ile the woman’s is lowered implying deference. The woman is cradling the Goffman’s previous discussion of the “fem the DS almost like a beauty compact. Conve relative to the Nintendo DS emphasizes the technology more than the human. In this nded in midair, with the man’s hand (and stylus) reaching up to it. The man does not appear to be threatened by the mid-air at it he is shown as potentially dominated by the Nintendo DS. The floating Nintendo ultimately gives the masculine ad a futuristic suspended in air in an impossible way. While dominated by the DS, and the woman is the dominant figure in her advertisement, this plication may also be that the man is hnology, while the woman is shown to be more comfortable embracing something re sembling an older technology (a book). My Word Coach somewhat similarly to the games. This vocabulary-enhancing game exercises to improve the player’s vocabular y. In this game, rather than improve a “brain age” the player strives to adva nce their “expression potential”: a score “command of the English language.” This number is shown as a percentage, out of 100%. As the number and games unlock for the player. Differe nt “expression potentials” match up to and status. For example, a equal to a smart toddler, according to the game, while 40% is a university graduate, is a poet/literary writer. mpelling, compared to the far more e” label. On one hand, “expression” feeds into far more emotional implications about the player, as the term can imply th oneself both in terms of ar ticulation and emotion. On th e other hand, this term is balanced by the word “potential,” which im plies mutability and the ability to fix “expression potential” is a phrase that implie s self-help, and the ab ility to fix one’s communication skills. While, obviously, this is not the only interpretation of this similarities to the self-help mantras and goals referenced previously in this chapter. ssible coach (as with Dr. Kawashima), the game has four potential coaches to c hoose from, two feminine and two masculine characters. Thus, while the primary coach (A listair Archibald) is a man, the player Munroe (a somewhat severe looking schoolteacher), Lucius King (a young Af rican-American man), and Penny (a young greater control that the player has over the game. The ability to select Penny or e game is more gender-neutral than many other games. Subtle messages about gender occasionally seep into the game. Despite the aforementioned ability to select a coach, Alis tair Archibald is the primary face of the game (he is the one shown on the game cover and in the instructions air of expertise that the other coaches do not. A white, balding, middle-aged male 15), Alistair Archibald is the epitome of a patriarchal figure. The two female selections while the other female alternative, Penny, is an 17). Thus, the choice of coaches comes down to two extreme stereotypes of fe mininity: severity or infantilizing. troubling in terms of gender. For example, the game’s definition of the wo rd “flighty” is: “Flighty: (especially a woman) not responsible and likely to change Several different feminine stereotypes are encoded into the image of Veronica Munroe. In addition to appearing somewhat frigid, she also seems to be drawn to a schoolboy fantasy of the ‘school marm.’ While these aspects do not overwhelm the game My Word Coach are certainly embedded subtext. Just as with , the feminine player would find herself primarily guided by a patriarc continues similar themes of productivity and gender, but also mixed with consumerism. An advertisement for magazine in November 2007. This advertisement opens with a fill-in-the-blank statement: “Carrie’s mom told her that a larger vocabulary equals a larger paycheck. We ll, Carrie thought, that information will certainly ________ well for my shoe collec tion.” The three multiple choice options below this statement are “mean”, “bode,” The third choice is clearly meant to be ntence is reinforced by the collection of three shoes that sit above each of the multiple choice questions. Above “mean” is a picture of a plain looking flat The gendered definition for flighty appears to be an isolated case , but is compelling enough that it seemed worth noting. Visually, “portend” is clearly meant to be the co rrect choice, but portend is probably not the best choice for this sentence. According to the Merriam -Webster Dictionary portend means “to give an omen or anticipatory sign of,” thus implying something negative. Thus, in the case of the advertisement’s question, “bode” would pr obably be the best possible answer. case, is about being able to consume the most number of shoes, evoking images of figures such as Imelda Marcos. Below this main message is a smaller message that explains, “ is the fun new game that improves “Dr. Lobe”: a nebulous, shapeless character with a diploma hat (See Figure 19). Like the other games, Big Brain Academy e player is assigned a temporary grade (A, has some attributes similar to brain games, it bears more resemblance to other family style games advertised for the Nintendo Wii. Compared to other brain games, both the advertising and the game its elf are far less concerned with self-help. Exercise and Fitness Games video games. Early exercise games (or exergames) such as Dance Dance Revolution (a game which involves a colorful floor mat which players must use to emulate on- screen patterns) and Yourself! Fitness (a game where the player designs a traditional nd on-screen interactivity) were the first forays into this unlikely terr itory of mixing video game play with exercise and fitness. 113 this theme to garner more feminine audience s. Unlike Bogost, my focus is not merely on the game mechanics of fitness, but how these games are meant to appeal to feminine audiences. Much like the games, (Nintendo of America, 2008) structured with an initial te st to ascertain the players’ start level (assigning them a s. Unlike the brain games, though, players dedicated to being a game, and the remaining 75% is entirely dedicated to f Yourself! Fitness Dance Dance Revolution Wii Fit different ages, races, and sexes, in diffe rent positions on the Wii balance board. of the players are wearing a homogenizi clothing), and each shows movement: none appear to be standing still. Similar to the women’s advertisement for (Figure 13), the advertisement for Wii Fit never uses the phrase “video game”: it almo movement. The text at the bottom of the advertisement explains: Step on to the Wii Balance Board and into a new kind of play. Use it with your Wii system to enjoy fun fam jumping, and heading soccer balls, just to name a few. With over 40 It is difficult to tell from the picture, but it appears that some of these bodies are repeated in multiple poses. appeared in the April 2009 issue of advertisement shows a list of potential chor to “make your household chores work for you,” and to “create family memories.” Again, this kind of advertising has a similar format to self-help literature, combining issues of family, domesticity, relations hips, and body image. Additionally, the advertisement suggests a complicated re Although this advertisement ex ceeded the time-span of my magazine survey, its relevance to the topic made it essential to include in this study. The visual arrangements of these advert isements help to reinforce the text message. On the first page, the player (a woman) is once again wearing all white the balance board, with her arms in the ai r and hips moving, in more of a dance pose than a workout pose. She is smiling, and doe s not appear to be sweating from her workout. In contrast, the bottom images on the page seem to show a woman who is the message of Wii Fit lies in its headline, “How will it move you?” While, obvi ously, this is referring in part to physical movement—evidenced by the moving bodies plastered over the advertisement—there is also an emotional movement that can be inferred here. In 119 120 This advertisement, like the second advertisement was outside of the scope of my survey, but weight loss, where his pants have fallen becau se he has lost so much weight. Both the man and the woman are holding the Ninte the man appears to be laughing at the game screen while the woman appears to be laughing at the man. There is an implication video games might be masculine territory, the more successful wo loss game, is her territory to be a success. This is reinforced by the slogan headline for the copy: “Play to Lose.” At the same time, the woman’s position can also be seen as slightly submissive. She stands with he r arms close to her side in a somewhat blonde hair emphasize her youth. The man stands with his legs further apart, domina to the front and takes up more space than the woman) and in terms of coloring (his bright yellow boxer shorts stand out more than anything else on the page. Ultimately, the advertisement sends conflicting messages about who is dominating in this weight loss game. As with the advertisements for , this advertisement suggests that weight loss and self-care are women’s CONCERNS. Once again, this reflects the logic of self-help literature, where women are expected to be mutable and concerned with self-appearance. While both a man and a woman are playing this game, its self help theme is shown as being more apt for a feminine audience. Unlike the as a “game” (which is has more game-like qualities than My Weight Loss ). Primarily, the advertising copy expl ains that the game preaches overall few examples. It concludes, “My of the advertising campaigns aimed at masc Instructional Games s made it a relatively inexpensive and mobile means of other kinds of instructi onal products. At the time of this writing, there are very few programs for the Nintendo game category, but currently the most popular is (Nintendo of America, 2008). This product for the Nintendo DS has limited searchable recipes, gives voice cooking commands (for instance, moving on to the next “continue”). is on the Nintendo DS system, it has absolutely no gaming elements to udged by the software. Unlike the brain games or exergames previously discussed, Personal Trainer: Cooking also does not employ any kind of minigame or casual gaming elements to supplant its productive nature. It is, in essence, an interactive manual. That said, Personal Trainer: Cooking mentioning. Despite not being a game, it is st 123 Personal Trainer Cooking Television Advertis iment downloaded via web (last Accessed December 14, 2009) HAPTER OMETHING WITH YOUR OTHING IMULATED RODUCTIVE LAY Introduction In Chapter Three, my focus was on play and productivity: video games that aim to improve the lives of players by incr exceed the confines of the game world leak ing into the real world.” Like productive simulated productive play has elements of productivity embedded in it, but rather than yielding results in the real world, it free time. For example, in the prev ious chapter I discussed the game ook—a domestic chore in the real world that has little in fluence on the game world. Alternatively, one of the games that I discuss in this chapter is , a game that mimics cooking as part of its game structure, narrative, and mechanics. The productivity found in is in making actual meals. In entirely within the game na rrative; it involves making m game and only feed the game’s fictional characters. Both games feature a kind of umption (through eating) and domesticity this chapter I do not outline every game th on those that use particularly compelling th emes of femininity. As already noted, I have broken this phenomenon into two primar is casual gaming—a form of play that attemp ts to make use of all available free time. Casual games are not actually productive, but simulate productivity as time consumption products. The second category th at I look at involves games that mimic real-world (often mundane) practices. I fu rther break down these games to what I have termed as domestic-themed games and consumer-themed games. Any discussion of simulation obviously evokes Jean Baudrillard’s . Baudrillard refers to simulation as a map marked by a “liquidation of referentials” which is “a question of substituting the signs of the real for the real” (p. 2). It seems important to note, though, that this notion of simulated reality is neither positive nor negative, and is more about performativ ity (Lane, 2000) and semiotics (Merrin, 2005). In simulating productivity, the games th at I discuss in this chapter become symbolic caricatures of productivity, On a code and structural level, all video games are, in some way, simulations—they are representative of some dissertation, I refer to game simulation so mewhat differently: the simulation is not only in the games, but more precisely, in th not only games that are the simulation here, second level of simulation for many of these video games. Simulation, in video game studies, refers to games that are often comple cities, technology, or life forms. Othe simulation in all video games. For example, in his essay “Videogames of the that in video games, “Simulation is an ideal medium simulation is always already present in vi deo games. However, my use of the term simulation is more about replicating proce sses than exposing a symbolic order. While this is a perspective worth mentioning, it is no t necessarily applicable to the video games I discuss in this chapter. David Beer (2008), video games are increasingly becoming examples of Baudril lard’s theories of simulation. Gane and Beer suggest that to the extent that, for example, games replicate real hobbies and real-world movements they provide insight into simulation. They explain that these games, “provide a focal feminine audiences (such as 31 Several scholars and game industry analyst have noted that these games are popular with feminine audiences (Ray, 2004; Isbist This notion of “productive consumption” allows me to illustrate the nuanced creates more responsibilities: in the last 30 years women have increasingly become both producers and consumers. Several of the games I have already discussed (and will be discussing later) in casual games. For instance, both use casual gaming mechanics to engage their players. Additionally, other games I discuss later in this chapter such as are considered casual games. But the category is important enough and compelling enough when it comes to topics of women and gaming that I felt it also deserved a separate discussion. My aim is to show how casual gaming mechanics and game play ultimately feed into the narrative themes of many of their games: themes of constant movement and motion. Many so-c alled “casual games” overlap with other This label has been given to these games by production and distribution companies such as Playfirst and Big Fish Games. I do not analyze specific casual games in study), I do analyze how this category mo consumption through time. In casual games, the player is ultimately consuming time in the real world. Through this they are often simulating productivity. Furthermore, I illustrate how this specific kind of time consumption contributes to the problematic (“Casual Video Games Are Serious Business”, 2004) It is unlikely that these games are actually clin ically addictive. None-t he-less, they are often characterized by addiction metaphors. gaming systems, such as the Nintendo DS Thus, these games can be started and stoppe that are not necessarily meant to be play-spaces. To a large extent, casual gaming leisur e practices have mu ch to do with the necessarily distracted isure practices in a more general sense. nature of one of the more popular forms of feminine television of the late twen tieth century: the soap opera. Modleski remarks that the soap opera format is particularly built around how women’s leisure is fragmented. Thus, a woman wa tching a soap opera will find: away from one exciting story, we at l e (ideal) mother in the home, we are at once and are denied the luxury of and similar feminine television styles cater to a specific demographic of women through interruptible plotlines. Thus, I will later argue, when interruptability become s a necessary part of play it can never kind of leisure might be necessitated by women’s busy lives, it also seems important to analyze leisur e practices. While, obviously, no be immersive, ephemeral forms of leis constant consumption of time in casual gaming suggests all time should be used In these circumstances, productivity is not in the proper use of time but through cons tant movement—an “idle hands are the devil’s tool” kind of productivity. This beco mes even more conflicted when the play itself mimics work. This is the case with the domestic work that I discuss later in this chapter with domestic-themed games like Because women are considered the largest audience of casual gamers (Shields, 2008), this becomes a essential topic in women and gaming. According to 65 percent of women ages 25 to 34 report men. It cites casual gaming as the reason why the numbers for women are That women are considered the largest demographic of casual gamers is wrought with implications. Because, as mentioned in Chapter One, time is such an integral factor in women’s leisure activitie s, casual gaming is reminiscent of other with women in the past. Deem (1987) conducted a study showing how women did not f given the overriding concerns of maintain Instead, she explains, women’s leisure genera examples of how advertising to women of productive play, with games such as My Word Coach Wii Fit . While casual games are very rarely advertised to female demographics. The Ni 136 is 23.4 minutes. Do something with your nothing.” The advertisement is clearly targe ting a feminine readership, and suggesting a proper time and place for video game play. The advertisement f eatures one woman, in red, primly and happily playing her DS, with her legs crossed and a large smile on her face. Another woman sits diagonally from the playing woman, glaring and clearly displeased with the other woman’s play- time. The second woman, dressed in more (the non-player) that the advertisement appear s to be making an a one who is being told to “do something w ith [her] nothing.” While a man sits in the corner of the room, he does not appear to be a player in this scenario—which seems Both of the advertisements reveal th Jacques Lacan theorizes that wo men and girls are defined by their “lack” of symbolic phallus, and can never move beyond this lack (Homer, 2005). Thus, using Lacan one might creatively assert that the advertisement is suggesting that “doing somethi ng” with their “nothing” might indirectly imply an inescapable femininity. turning feminism into narcissism. The “I play for me” theme seems to imply a certain amount of empowerment through co nsumerism and consumption. The three celebrity spokeswomen for th is advertising campaign are television actress America Ferrara, pop singer Carrie of these women are shown playing the DS gaming system while explaining why they ndo web site “I Play for Me,” though shortened versions of some of the clips have also been made into television commercials. On the I Play for Me web site, each of the celebrities has two videos: one video shows the woman actually playing the game (with little-to-no narration) while a second video has them talking about the Nintendo DS and the game they have chosen. Additionally, below the videos is the celebrity’s game “pick,” as well as are “games for me”—an additional list of other Nintendo DS games that are in the trailer or in my dressing room. time should be spent doing 142 lightly humming along with the music, and laughing while she plays the brain games. Tyler explains that she is particularly drawn to these kinds of brain games. She educational games a lot. I lik e that it challenges your mind so much time where I’m on airplanes for long oductivity and self-improvement. Domestic Play Several video games specifically constr uct simulated productive play within their narratives and mechanics. One kind of game aimed at feminine audiences, in recent years, is the domestic game—games with cooking, cleaning, and serving as their primary theme. While many of the games in this category also fit into the previously discussed “casual games” genre, the games I will be describing these games become somewhat problematic as their simulation of productive tasks is intricately linked with domesticity. One important consideration when looki ng at these games is what Salen & Zimmerman (2004) refer to as the “magic from Huizinga’s (1938/1974) . They explain that the magic circle is the separate space wherein play occurs: The fact that the magic circle is just that—a circle—is an important feature of this concept. As a closed circle , the space it circumscribes is enclosed and separate from the real world. As a marker of time, the magic circle is like a clock: it simultaneously represen but one without beginning and end. The magic circle inscribes a space that is repeatable, a space both limited and limitless. In short, a finite space nt rules apply. When might begin to question how many ways, replicate domesticity. For example, I will later discuss how both Flo (the protagonist of ) are concerned with the consumption of the player’s calories, while the simulated produc tive games that I will be discussing in this section are more concerned with consumption of food. Weight loss does not become a primary theme in Cooking Mama Additionally, several of the games in this category have peculiar naming patterns that are worth noting. Two trends seem to be coming out of these titles. First, there are those that imply quickness (with games such as ). The speediness implied in the titles of these games reaffirms themes discussed earlier in this chapter. In essence, they imply that both the avatar a mething with [their] nothing” as the Nintendo campaign slogan suggests, through the constant movement referenced in the game titles. Secondly, several games use the term “mania” or “craze” in their titles, such as . While on one hand, these games might imply similar themes as the “dash” titled games (mania in terms of quick movement and speed) they simultaneously imply fa arily defined via femininity, and only since 1952 has the term lost credibility eme and irrational femininity. Hysteria was marked by a potpourri of potential symptoms including ( but not limited to) fa ed with the hysterical paroxysm, and eventually the disease itself, came to be called the ‘suffo the mother’” (p. 24). In fact, the term its elf is derived from the Greek word for Maines astutely remarks that, “there is no analogous word ‘testecical’ to describe, fo r example, male sports fans’ behavior during the Super Bowl” (p. 20). In other words, masculinity is far more permitted to lose control, in ways that with women might rical.” This point is applied to games and play, suggesting that in women’s play there is a loss of control, while men’ s play is normal and expected. I would like to suggest that this use of the term ‘mania’ as a title de scriptor in video games aimed at women audiences is similarly derisive. suggest few playful attributes. For exampl e, Big Fish Games advertises a large selection of time management games on thei suggesting, “Manage time, customers, and money in games for the serious goal 150 Fitness Dash (Playfirst, 2008). All of these games have women protagonist avat Flo in some form. The mechanics of the game are fairly simple. The customers request specific things (seats, menus, food, must click on the customer and serve thei Playfirst web site (last accessed September 10, 2009). several coworkers ask Flo for various repor ts, and repeatedly chant her name. In the office exclaiming, “Man there’s got to be something ories is of a woman constantly being with her leaving her restaurant to go on vacation, but she becomes convinced or decides that her vacation is best spent working as a waitress. For example, in , Flo loses her luggage (on several occasions) and decides that the most Flo occasionally visits (playing the role of waitress) and shows little interest in relaxation or romance with men (a prominent theme of the narratives). ur, Flo’s work is anything but business oriented: her tasks primarily involve games In some ways, this gendered treatment of hearts in video games evokes Lynda . Here, Birke notes that while discussions of heart dis ease and the mechanics of the heart have masculine connotations, emotional associati ons with the heart are almost entirely feminine: ugh its symbolic association with emotionality. Even in the discourses of biomedicine, its apparently neutral status as ‘merely a pump’ carries affecting men (and captured in advert ising campaigns urging housewives hearty pump in scientific texts can be read as It seems unsurprising that th with ideologies where women are expected to be part of the private sphere, while me the necessity to make such a division ing (perhaps the most impor tant in the context of cooking-related tasks. Upon successfully comp is love” theme in the domestic sphere. Similarly, the interface of The game itself is mostly without narrati and remarks, “Good job. Keep going!” Finally if “Don’t worry, Mama will fix it” (see Figure 33). For this final answer, Mama’s sparkling eyes and big smile are replaced by burning eyes and a frown. These the larger theme of productiv ity in domestic play—the Mama. Thus, her approval is suggesting “keep going” or comparison of her cooking perfection, against the player. But when a task is failed, a female player is being reminded, “Don’t worry, Mama will fix it.” Judging verb ally alone, this might seem to be a soothing remark that a mother might say to a child. But the menacing and angry look on Mama’s face in this response implie s a threat—more like “Don’t make Mama come fix that!” She appears almost to be a frustrated authority figure. With her fists raised in the air, Mama’s previous caricat ure of femininity is now consumed with menace.As both the player and avatar, Mama reiterates issues of women’s productivity—she is automatically the fixer of domestic problems. Thus, assurances from Mama that she will “fix it” are, in effect, the player being reminded of her own Ultimately, is a perfect example of domestically themed simulated productive play, wherein the player same time, working through productive tasks. Because these domestic cooking tasks replicate many of the situations women commo becomes full of ambiguities, and play is being minimized to everyday, mundane responsibilities. Likewise, the game maintain s the themes of self-denial that can be seen also in , because the player never act ually eats the food they are ng to, feeding, and caring for others. In many ways the series of games— (I-play, Dream Day Honeymoon engage in the most stereotypical depictions of how women pl narrative themes in which they are most interested. Unsurprisingly (given the game title video games in this series are romantically themed, three out of f The exception to this is in Married in Manhattan , where the player becomes a wedding planner, per Jenny’s recommendations, and performs these services for two other couples. Seek and find or hidden object games are in no way limited to the romance topic. Mystery is another popular theme for seek and find games, with pub lishers such as Mystery Case Files leading this initiative. That said, most of these mystery games have similar mechanics to the Dream Day series. Other mystery games which have been popular with feminine audiences such as the Nintendo DS game Professor Layton and the Curious Village fall more into the “brain game” category (as discussed in Chapter Three) because of their us e of logic puzzles and brainteasers. players can select the stories of the ma and organizing. While the choose-your-own ontinues to maintain gendered and Another category of video games that of ten become conflated with femininity are what I label consumer-driven games. Games such as being popular with feminine audiences (Hafner, 2004; Winter, 2000). Other games take on consumer themes, but are structured more similarly to or other Time Management games. In this section of the chapter, I will discuss how these are games of consumpti on, and will address the problematic nature of consumerism as a leisure activity. This becomes even more complicated by gender, as often sexist generalizations of wome consumption in a way that implies that consuming is the only possible form of ng and consumption are already entangled with gender, then these games are perfect examples of how productive consumption injects gender into video game play. (Brighter Minds Media, 2008) is one of the only games that I will be discussing that does not have a female a female avatar. Despite this, the game fo llows several other themes that I have already discussed—its casual gaming format consumption are undeniable. The narrative of the game follows Lewis, who we are rstore “Spendmore.” At the game’s beginning, we learn that Lewis has spent all of his money, and is specific product or color requests made by customers, filling the cart entirely, or filling the cart entirely with matching colors. Because of the implications of gender and shopping, it does not matter that the avatar, Lewis, is male. The game is not consumption for others. Superficial shoppi ng choices (such as color matching) are rewarded, and the goal is to make customers happy by making them consume as The Sims (Electronic Arts, 2004) is nothing if not a complicated game— and by many accounts it is not even a game. Like and then conduct the mundane aspects of ng to the bathroom. As the player continues to build their characters, ta king care of them by commanding them to do each of these functions, the software slow response to the choices that have been made . In particular, the more the player has character work, the more money they earn. The more m oney the character are able to buy, which directly affects their lifestyle. erist ideology that drives the simulation the number of goods that you own and the size of your house” (p. 91). stands as more of a “simula tion” in the sense that Frasca defined earlier. Like some of the games disc no clear cut quantifiable outcome, nor are pr ecise goals set for the player: it simply moves them forward in their fictional lives. Nevertheless, if there game to The Sims , consumerism would definitely The Sims The Sims has several versions out, at this time, including versions 1-3, a no longer active online version, and several expansion packs. For the sake of simplicity this dissertation primarily will be discussing the second major release of the game, The Sims 2 . The mechanics and style of each of the games, though, is similar enough that I refer to the game simply as The Sims throughout this chapter. consumption becomes an achievement unto itself. At the same time, according to HAPTER IVE MOTIONAL LAY AND OCIAL Introduction In Chapters Three and Four I discusse often found in video games designed for While, obviously, many games involve social situ ations (e.g. war games), in “socially productive play” I am primarily referring to so cial situations that resemble real -world interactions of casual or domestic social spaces. of motherhood and nurturing. Specifically, the examples from previous ch apters were far more abstract in their portrayals of motherhood a chapter games are more directly using these themes as a means of garnering women audiences. Many games on this theme too—notably games such as taking care of others. The games and advert ising that I discuss in this chapter are on emotional labor, specifica lly within the context of complexities where gender and socially productive play is concerned, which I will explore at length in this chapter. Women, Emotional Labor, and Motherhood This chapter rests on the premise that , because emotional labor is often considered women’s work, when women’s expectations of family play, a tension less important” (p. 172). Tronto further make meals. Caring and representations of wo men caring helps to reinforce gendered hierarchies. ood as a form of labor. In Commercialization of Human Feeling caregiving jobs as being “emotional labor.” She explains, “This labor requires one to the proper state of mind in others” (p. 7). Further, Hochschild suggests, “As traditionally more accomplished managers of f eeling in private life, women more than 171 motherhood. This image of woman as nouris hing mother problematizes much of the scussed Nintendo Wii games, but here I am referencing the system as a whole. Th e Nintendo Wii was released in November treated like a community-centric gaming syst em with the name “Wii” being a play on “we.” According to Nintendo, the “ii” in the name was also meant to visually represent an image of two people standing ne 2006). In addition to focusing on community play, the system uses a Wii remote and itional joysticks a that the player’s movements are directly mimicked by on-sc game, a player can swing the Wii remote li At the same time, Miis help to define the Wii as a social gaming system. The player is encouraged to not only make one Mii per Wii, but several Miis based on all friends and family that play games on that particular system. Nintendo Wii games do. This constant reminder of other people in the player’s part of a gaming family. These family-and-fri end Miis help to remind the player that even when playing alone, the Wii is part of Games embedded onto the Wii gaming system. suggests that women players should use this and families. Wii Advertising While the Nintendo DS advertising often focuses on self-care (“I play for me” and “Do something with your nothing”) to c onvince feminine audiences to play more, advertising campaigns for the Nintendo Wii us e an entirely different tactic. While not all Wii campaigns are aimed at women, I will Advertisers wanted consumers to beli constructs a virtual family “presence,” th e advertisements I discuss in the following infer that it is a woman’s job to maintain an actual family presence through play activities. By being tasked with keeping the family unit together, the mother-figure in these advertisements are often put in ambi valent places within the family hierarchy, mily social administrator. An excellent example of this kind of advertising occurred in the “My Wii story” advertising campaign which la Nintendo web site My Wii Story, transformative powers of th e Nintendo Wii and how it ha s helped their lives and families. While both sexes wrote in to My Wii Story, the majority of the web- published submissions were made by women. Several selected stories were turned into magazine advertisements—often a ppearing in women’s special interest magazines and all written by women players. These advertisements promote play as a means of connecting with their families and at they care. At the same time, the advertisements make littl e mention of play as a means of relaxing or enjoying themselves. Instead, the wome activities. ral advertisements reduce video game play to emotional labor by invoking the theme of . Additionally, I will Mywiistory.com is no longer active and is currently listed as “under construction.” Because I am no longer able to access the original web site, some of my methodologies and analysis of the actual site are based on a relatively small number of screen sh ots, as well as personal memory. Because of my minimal information about the site, I primarily focus my analysis on the advertising campaigns that were launched off of the web site. There is no ab ility to verify that the submissions on the My Wii Story web site are made by actual participants (r ather than advertising professionals), although I suspect they were primarily legitimate (primarily based on a large number of spelling and grammatical errors). Still, I have no way to verify that the adve rtisements in these campaigns were written by actual consumers of the Nintendo Wii gaming system. discuss how these advertisements construct pl ay and family in a way that legitimizes play for feminine audiences. Similar to the web site, the My Wii Story magazine advertisements use personal experiences a nd emotional overtones to convince women readers that playing with one’s family is an acceptable form of leisure. Figures 37-40 show four of the My Wii Story posts that became magazine advertisements. These advertisements ran in magazines such as ten by women (although both men and women contributed on the web site), and each starts off with a testimonial quote about what they like about the Wii gaming system. Below each of these testimonial quotes is a woman’s signature—a personal a dvocacy of the product. It is also worth dvertisements show photographs of actual women playing. Unlike the masculine game advertisements for the most part this advertisement does not illustrates how the Wii promotes family values. At the same time, Linda Perry conf friends and that “it can get pretty comp and children who look on, watching the femini ne figures in their house play the Wii system. The on-screen picture below the boxing game—but this time it is less athle tic looking and more family-oriented because of the family in the background. In this advertisement, the copy does not entire family. The main text of the advertisement, instead, is not a quote and says: use, but also adds a family theme into the mix. As previously noted, the underlying message of many of these Wii advertisements is Play is Love, and embedded in this message is a form of emotional labor. The but playing for the enjoyment 184 It is important to note that this diversity is somewhat limited. None of the My Wii Story advertisements showed African American families, a lthough there was far more racial diversity in the Wii Fit advertisement (Figure 22) discussed earlier. mentioning the grandmother but not showing her, Allen’s testimonial sends a mixed message about older generati ons and video game play. All of these My Wii Stories carry very similar themes that define feminine play as family play, creating a permission sl ip for women to play on the Wii. With the exception of the My Wii Story in Figure 37, all allow for feminine play only when it is part of family play. Women’s play, t hus, becomes translated into caregiving and emotional labor. Wii advertisements are not suggesting playing simply for personal enjoyment, but in order to gain the love of families and create a common language To carry over some ideas from Chapter Four on play and simulated play aimed at women audiences simulates and caregiving in the game mechanics. Th ese games are not actually social, but have social mechanics built into them that i nvolve nurturing and caregiving of virtual characters. The most popular and well known of these games is several other games (such as ultimate goal. Instead, the point of ca regiving games is more about gradual relationships and simulating love. As discussed earlier in this chapter, car be women’s work. Just as emotional labor is integral to ma ny women’s careers, emotional play is an exampl Her son angrily yells back, “I meant OUR dinner!” Thus, the cartoon shows an example of a woman not only playing th e game, but playing the game to the In recent years, online games (often referred to as Massively Multiplayer Online Games or MMOGs) have become increasingly popular. These games have features that are quite distinct from typi cal video games in that they involve online persistent worlds (worlds that exist before and after the player’s avatar enters and 189 Additionally, most online role playing games have roots in pen-and-paper role-playing games such Dungeons and Dragons goal of the game might seem to be to achie t the time of writing, is somewhat ephemeral: level caps change every few years, and many players build se Game walkthroughs are typically written by fans , who give advice, tips, and tricks for getting through specific game areas or levels. Generally, th female players in the United States, compared with 675,713 male players. 50 number is far from paltry and is reinforced east some women audiences. For instance, the web series sitcom , is about a small Los Angeles group of online gamers. 51 The star of the show is a woma members, half are women. Similarly, in the 60 Night Elf Warrior is Mine,” Nancy Berman (2006) di scusses the influx of women players into the game. Berman remarks, “Are women playing MMORPGs? Yes. Are they playing WoW? Definitely yes! Are they having fun playing WoW? Absolutely yes. In terms of female players, WoW appear will need to respect (and imitate) if they were to achieve the same kind of player The outspokenness of many women MMOG players helps to affirm game popularity w ith women audiences, potentially attracting even more women players. Furthermore, many feel that both the in flux of women audiences as well as the game’s design helps to reinforce more ev World of Warcraft Feminism,” Hilde G. Corneliussen (2008) discusses ’s potential by comparing aspects of it to French feminism. She remarks that in WoW , female characters are generally equal or interchangeable to male ch aracters, as well as equal in terms of in- game distribution of non-player characters. World of Warcraft in many ways, but it is not nece Approximately a 2:3 ratio of women to men. While The Guild does not reference World of Warcraft by name, several references in the show infer that the show is based loosely on WoW some times it is not even meaningful—or at least, it is not given meaning through the game design itself” (p. 81). It seems undeniable that World of Warcraft has attracted women audiences to online gaming. games discussed previously in this World of Warcraft women audiences in their advertising. While the game does advertise levision commercials and magazine advertisements), many of th ese ads have more similarity to those example, advertisements for (Figure 42) often feature female elve characters in the game. Alternatively, tele narrated by masculine icons such as William Shatner and Mr. T. While none of these advertisements overtly exclude women players, they also seem to suggest that women players probably come from sources ot her than mainstream advertising. This means that the fan base is not necessarily Something with your Nothing and My Wii St ory ad campaigns) but are coming to this form of play more naturally, example, in Taylor’s (2006) work on the MMO , she illustrated that many women players start to play through word of mouth by others (such as family members). While other games such as the previously mentioned advertisement (see Figure 10, and discus (Linden Lab, 2003) has gotten some ences, including women (Hayes, 2008). World of Warcraft in several ways. As Wagner James Au The Making of Second Life: Notes from the New World is an immersive, user-created online world” (p. x). Run by the company Linden Labs, does not have pre-defined game-goals, ch aracter levels, or socialize, advertise, educate, l for real-world productive residents are given practically ); aliens, political car ponies; and a pile of talking feces. Fo r most of them, the embodiement is a surface novelty, but for others, it’s a deeper transformation. (p. 74) This avatar freedom, as well as is far more pace than an actual game. This freedom to change avatar appear ances is one of the more substantial draws of the game world, and presumably one of the factors that is often assumed to make it more accessible to women audien ces. Several researchers, though, have remarked that this freedom and libera lism is, in large part, illusory. In in Second Life: An Anthropologist Explores the Virtually Human , Tom Boellstorff (2008) remarks, “Like many virtual worlds, the platform worked in various ways, large and small, to reinfor ce gender norms. For instance, the default animations for sitting differed for women a nd men; men sat with their legs spread apart slightly, while women’s legs were clos challenged in the game. So it would seem th space to disrupt expectations of gender roles, in actuality these thi ngs often maintain a play an important role in how bodies (virtual and otherwise) are understood within this space. Virtual worlds and avatar creation gives players a chance to deconstruc t (and reconstruct) how they specifically tification. At the same time, an important part in both . In the following, I will break down how these two MMOGs relate to my already establishe d categories of pragmatic play, simulated In many ways, the two MMOGs, World of Warcraft that I have discussed. Games in this category have so much internal diversity that, rather than collapsing the three . Each kind of productive play remains a distinct category within these games, and ye might be useful to end this dissertati on by examining how the three kinds of productivity interact in each game, and how this might have larger implications for women audiences. Thus, in what follows I will look at pragmatic play, simulated On the surface, one might be hard-pre Three, the pragmatic play that I discuss in game world but is consider ed productive in the real productive play is when players of virtual worlds use the game spaces to make money in the real world. This has occurred in creasingly over the years in both more game- World of Warcraft ) where small industries have come out of actice of gold farming, 53 and also in worlds such as where many players make and sell things in game, and then exchange them for real money. allowed, as a by-product, complex economic systems where players can buy a Castronova (2005), “By my own estimates, the collective volume of annual trade in Gold farming is the practice of hiring cheap labor to make money in-game, and then reselling it outside of the game for real world money. In her essay, “Don’t Hate the Player, Hate the Game,” (2009) Lisa Nakamura describes gold farmers as “virtual capital laborers” (p. 132). Often, these players are Chinese, which has fostered a goo d deal of in-game racism, particularly in World of Warcraft where Westerners are often automatically voca lly derisive of Chines e players (Nakamura, 2009). immateriality toward which the engines of can now at last make out the contours of a more familiar realm of the insubstantial— the realm of games and make-believe. In s hort, I’m saying that Marx had it almost right: Solidity is not melting into air. Production is melting into play” (p. 24-25). If Dibbell is right, if production is, indeed “meltin g into play,” then this is in large part While, in the real world, these things can be understood as more of trades or occupations, in the game they are specifically referred to as “professions.” , the player’s avatar is able to eat of their simulated productive labors. Since has in-game benefits that bear some sim cooking. While players self-nourishment. In other words, unlike with the care of others and more con cerned with the care of themselves. Similarly, in , players are able to make th ings that their avatars (or consume, or wear. As already discussed, the ability to create content is one often collaborative projects performed by se veral residents. Au explains of one of these groups, “While their work may seem inconsequential fun, their free-form collaboration actually resembles the activity that makes the Internet itself possible” maintaining them are all aspects of the in terpersonal pleasure MMOGs afford […]” ng about how women simp ly like the ‘social’ component of games, or how they like to ‘cha game” (p. 95). It is impossible to deny that social productivity is likely a factor that might draw in some women audiences, but at the same time it is a very nuanced and multilayered form of WoW l game worlds is comprised of several with the original game. Roles can and must be flexible as conditions and This ability to play HAPTER IX ONCLUSION ISCUSSIONS Introduction Malcolm in the Middle (M. Bandur & J. Melman, 2000) was a sitcom about a relative ly average, middle-class family. orked mother (Lois) is at Malcolm in the Middle aired from 2000-2006 on the Fox Television Network. I transcribed this episode from broadcast on September 20, 2009. The episode is a perfect illustration of many of the phenomena that I discuss in this dissertation regarding women and pl encounter any digital games, her confusi garding free time is similar to many of the advertisements and games discussed in previous chapters. It As discussed by the Ludica Group (in Chapter Two), the gaming industry helps to support a masculine hegemony of pl that this hegemony exceeds the gaming industr the play that is constructed for feminine audiences— particularly adult women—is primarily product three kinds of video games that capture how expectations. Pragmatic play, as I describe it in Chapter Three, is play that attempts to solve real-world goals, particularly in term s of self-help, beauty, or fitness (such as Wii Fit simulated productive play, or play that emul ates or stands in place of real-world tually productive. Within subcategories: games (such as casual games) that are meant to fill up all available time as a guise for productivity, and games (such as ) that emulate real world practices within their na rratives and game mechanics. Finally, in for women, generally involving family and ca ring within their game play. I also discuss Massively Multiplayer Online Game but also as a more gender-inclusive gaming style. While these categories are by no means exclus ects larger social norms and practices about femininity and play. Productive play in games and advertisi ng aimed at women audiences helps to forms of play. Further, by segregating, excluding, and sexualizing women audiences that attempt to enter the tr aditional masculine play spaces, the video game industry helps to reaffirm that women can only be permitted to partake in the play-spaces designated for them. As was seen in the example from Malcolm in the Middle , these problems are larger than video games or the video game suggests that many women do not feel fully entitled to the same that many men do (Deem, 1987; Modelesk i, 1984; Aitchison, 2003). Rosemary On January 29, 2009, President Barack Obama signed the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act, which approved equal pay legislation for women. The Act says that women cannot be paid less for doing the same job as men (Stolber, 2009). 206 So, although my research does not directly remark on audiences, it tries to understand how me dia artifacts might ultimately change the quality of play made available to women. leisure, and domesticity all resonate th roughout these popular games, and are a vital in gender and culture. While it might seem frivolous My research in this dissertation almost primarily discuss games and advertising as be In this, I recognize that there may be , it has a 95% female player base and a particular attunement to women’s issues that makes it an ideal space for study. Another possible method might involve creating women’s gaming circles. The gaming circles would be structured much like book clubs, constructing a space where women can talk about video games and thei researchers have discussed the use of book clubs rmat that many women are already comfortable with, and might be worth em studies. Women’s gaming circles, as I have imagined them, might be an ideal way to understand leisure habits and gaming styles of women. In these groups, This statistic is from a phone conversation with Playfirst employee Anne Marie Edwards on April 14, 2009. PPENDIX ABLES Table 1: Game Informer and Play Magazine Advertising Total ads Video Game Ads Video Game Ads w/ Females GI 395 232 99 Play 274 174 74 and Play Advertisements with women Distinct Ads with Females in a Major Role: 47 % of ads Ads where women display “l icensed withdrawal” 64% Ads with women in revealing clothing 66% Ads with one or more female smiling 28% Ads with one or more female smaller than males 21% Ads with one or more female below or behind males 34% Ads where women use “feminine touch” 57% Ads where women were looking down or to the side 66% Ads where women shown as the player 1% non-video game magazines Magazine VG ads Wii DS adsWii DS promo Other Esquire 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 7 0 0 0 0 Martha Stewart 2 2 0 0 0 0 Oprah 11 5 3 2 1 0 People 9 3 2 0 0 4 Real Simple 9 2 4 1 1 1 Redbook 3 3 0 0 0 0 Time 1 0 1 0 0 0 Wired 24 0 1 0 0 23 PPENDIX Figure 1: Frag Dolls Web Site (A) (Last accessed December 14, 2009) Figure 2: Frag Dolls Web Site (B) (Last accessed December 14, 2009) Tomb Raider Anniversary ( Ar Tonelico Figure 8: PSP Theater ( Game Informer n of Dr. Ryuta Kawashima ( My Word Coach (Ubisoft, 2007) Figure 18: Advertisement for My Word Coach Real Simple Magazine Figure 19: Dr. Lobe, narrator for Figure 20: Advertisement advertisement ( advertisement ( My Weight Loss Coach Advertisement (Lucky Magazine, July 2008) “failed” screen shot (Majesco Entertainment, 2004) screen shot (Brighter Minds Media, 2008) Figure 35: Mii Creation ( Wii Sports Figure 36: Mii Family ( Wii Sports Figure 37: My Wii Story: Linda Perry ( Figure 41: Screen shot from World of Warcraft Advertisement (Game Informer Works Cited Althusser, L. 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